Temporal and spatial differences and the theory of the use of edible fungi in Polynesia

Abstract

The aim of this dissertation research is to identify the gap in knowledge surrounding the temporal, spatial and the theory of the use of fungi in Polynesia and explain why it exists. Three research objectives were associated with this aim: First, to describe the past and present use of fungi in Polynesia; second, to compare New Zealand and Mangaian knowledge of fungi in an attempt to understand the transfer and creation of ethnomycological knowledge within Polynesia; and third, to discuss the current theories relating to the use of edible fungi, and to suggest a predictive model for the associated decision making process. A number of methods, tools and theories from a range of disciplines were implemented during this research. These include the comparative method from historical linguistics, interview methods from ethnobotany, and theoretical considerations from anthropology and economics. Using the comparative method four Proto Polynesian terms for fungi were reconstructed from the current Polynesian lexicon. Differences between the Proto Polynesian lexicon and current lexicon suggest temporal and spatial changes in the use of fungi in at least two Polynesian cultures, New Zealand Māori and Marquesan. Other changes are suggested for the Cook Islands and Samoa. In general, even though fungi were not considered to be an important resource in Polynesia, the presence of terms for macro fungi suggests that they were recognized as part of the environment. However, one folk genus based on the scientific genus Auricularia *talinga kimoa was widely distributed and recognized to be of cross cultural Polynesian significance. Spatial and temporal changes were identified between the ethnomycological knowledge of the New Zealand and Cook Island Māori; the latter being represented by the island of Mangaia. Similarities include the association with the supernatural and the presence of a general term for fungi. Differences include the amount of terms used, number of fungal species described and the type of information itself. The differences between the two Polynesian cultures strongly suggest the depth seen in New Zealand Māori ethnomycological knowledge is in fact an innovation. Reasons for this innovation are outlined as being an adaptation to the newly encountered environment. New Zealand Māori were only able to cultivate a limited number of crops. If protein became limited, New Zealand Māori were more likely to choose to risk eating fungi as a source of food for survival. Not only was the New Zealand environment generally temperate, thus preventing the cultivation of important Polynesian crops, New Zealand also had a distinctly different fungal diversity. In an effort to create a predictive model of the local, regional and global use of edible fungi applicable to Polynesia, linkages were made between economic and evolutionary theory. Connecting the idea of the use of edible fungi as an adaptive strategy with the prospect theory of risk, has provided a model for the decision making process. This predictive model suggests the variance in the use of edible fungi at a local, regional and global level is based on the availability of other protein sources. The preliminary results from the pilot study used to test the predictive model suggest that fungi eating cultures rely on plant foods as a major source of protein. If our assumptions are correct, cultures heavily utilizing plants are more likely to face subsistence failure. Species of fungi may in fact provide protein to agricultural societies during these times of hardship. In Polynesia this model can be used to explain the differences seen between New Zealand Māori and Mangia use of edible fungi. A tropical climate with a number of cultivated crops has less of a chance of becoming protein-limited; therefore, an individual is less likely to risk eating fungi. This is compared to New Zealand’s temperate climate where only a small number of crops were cultivated successfully. As such New Zealand Māori were more likely to face subsistence failure and risk eating fungi as a food source. To test this model further, empirical methods from the disciplines of nutrition and ethnobotany are required to link famine, crop failure and meat scarcity to the use of edible fungi.